Current collaborations include:
Introduction to European Integration; Negotiating Politics.
Introduction to Politics; Comparative Politics; The State and European Integration; Public Policy & Administration; British Politics; Terrorism & Counter-Terrorism; Integration of Europe; Political Economy of European Integration; German Politics; Interdisciplinary Research; Theory & Practice of Learning.
University Association for Contemporary European Studies (Treasurer, 2016-19, committee member); University Association for Contemporary European Studies Student Forum (former Chairman); Political Studies Association; Higher Education Academy.
Both camps made extensive use of social media during the referendum, both to mobilise existing supporters and to convert new ones. However, the three main groups – Stronger In, Vote Leave and Leave.EU – each took differing strategies within this. Drawing on tweets published by the groups, the paper compares the use of different positive and negative frames, as well the thematic content. While reinforcing other work that shows differentials in focus on specific themes – economics for Stronger In, politics and immigration for the Leave groups – the analysis also highlights the use on both sides of “sticks” (capitalisation on the other side’s errors) and “stones” (new issues and framings that the group brings to the debate). If the latter constituted the pre-game plan, then the former became a substantial part of the practical application during the campaign, a development reinforced by the nature of the medium itself.
The United Kingdom Independence Party campaigned for Britain to leave the EU for more than two decades. But what role did UKIP play in the successful Brexit vote? And where will the party go from here? Simon Usherwood investigates.
Using France and the UK as case studies, this paper discusses how the focus of groups opposed to European integration has changed over time. Such groups often claim to have a generalised or ideological opposition to the European Union, but in practice it is apparent that particular issues arouse most attention. The article covers the period since the mid-1980s, to show how the relative importance of different elements has changed over time, both for anti-EU group formation and changes in groups’ activities. Most notably, this change has been informed by two key factors. Firstly, an incomplete (or biased) view of the EU system repeatedly draws groups’ attention to otherwise minor topics, often taking them to be symbolic of wider developments (e.g. harmonisation of standards). Secondly, groups’ interest is highest in projects when they are not fully decided (e.g. membership of the Euro or the constitutionalisation process since Laeken). The overall picture that emerges is one of groups rationally concentrating their efforts on targets that offer the most unambiguous case for an alternative policy at the point of greatest leverage in the policy-making cycle. This underlines the dynamic nature of opposition to the EU and the fundamental link between that opposition and the EU itself.
In the two decades since the emergence of the European Union at Maastricht there has been a concerted attempt to build a European political space, typified by the debates on constitutionalization and democratization. Much less noticed, but no less important, has been the mobilization of publics, interest groups and political parties against the integration process. In the light of the failure to realize the Laeken objectives, the stabilization of an anti-integration bloc in the European Parliament, recurrent ‘no’ votes in national referendums and the emergence of an increasingly co-ordinated movement of critical interest groups, it is argued in this article that this opposition has become embedded and persistent, at both European and national levels. This will have considerable consequences for the Union itself and the way it has chosen to largely ignore sceptical voices to date.
The UK has the most fully developed set of anti-European Union groups of any country, from national political parties through to local grassroots organisations and sectoral lobbies. For most of these groups, the media plays a central role in their work, enabling them to reach audiences much greater than otherwise possible. In this paper, the profile of such groups in the national print media will be considered, using frequency analysis. This analysis demonstrates that coverage, while generally increasing over time, remains very uneven and episodic, both in time and between groups. These findings are further backed up by study of discourse markers. Differences between newspapers are discussed, with particular reference to the general political affiliation of the newspaper, as well as its position on European integration. The paper concludes by considering the consequences of this pattern of media coverage for anti-EU groups at a time when the integration process would appear to be particularly susceptible to expressions of opposition.
The UK Independence Party (UKIP) has been one of the most successful single-issue parties in modern British political history. With its central policy of withdraw from the European Union, UKIP was the third largest party in the 2004 European Parliament elections. However, this article highlights the tensions that exist within the party, in terms of strategy, focus and even its objectives. From its foundation in the early 1990s, the party has been placed in a position equivalent to the Fundi-Realo debate in the German Green party of the 1980s: does the party strive for ideological purity and singularity of purpose, or does it work within the system it professes to abhor? The article considers the different pressures placed on the party, considering both environmental constraints placed on it by the institutional system and the internal ideological currents at play. These internal and external factors help to explain the party’s dilemma and point towards some possible future paths.
Events relating to the European Union are typically conceived of as being a ‘second-order’ phenomenon in domestic politics; ‘European’ referenda, elections, etc. are first and foremost a function of domestic/national issues. However, in the case of anti-EU groups it is apparent that they are formed primarily as a result of European events. This paper provides a comprehensive taxonomy of proximate factors in such groups’ mobilization, using the otherwise contrasting examples of France and the UK. Consideration is taken of non-party groups, intra-party factions and parties, in order to ensure a complete overview. In both countries, almost all groups either form or become anti-EU in nature in proximate response to European events. The reasons for this are discussed and explained, as are the limitations of this view of the EU as firstorder politics.
A key element of using simulations is the use of participant immersion as a driver of learning, but this is always compromised by the requirements of simulations to simplify the real world. Using a case-study of a university-level Politics module on negotiation, this paper considers how best to balance this tension and enhance immersion. To achieve this, there is an alignment of the central elements of tasks, structures and feedback. Students begin by preparing a conventional research-based essay on the subject matter, which they then convert into a negotiating brief, so allowing for a deeper engagement with the roles that they adopt for the negotiation. Students spend an extended period of time (3 days) in negotiation, which distances them from outside distractions and allows for debate to be much more involved. Immediately after the negotiations conclude, they write up their reflections, which are then returned to some time later, to allow them to consider how their immersion affected their understanding, both then and later. Taken together, this joining up of the phases before, during and after the actual negotiation allows for a much better opportunity for both participant immersion and ex-post reflection.
One of the big challenges in bringing simulations into the classroom is the question of how (or even whether) to assess them. In this presentation, I will consider the underlying logics of simulations, which in turn suggest a number of assessment strategies. These include assessing knowledge acquisition, skills development and critical reflection. Beyond that immediate challenge, the presentation will also throw some light on related questions of feedback and simulation design.
Since the early 1990s, there has been a persistent and insistent debate within the British political classes about the desirability of having a referendum on the European Union, either on the occasion of a treaty ratification or more generally on the wider issue of British membership. However, such calls failed to become the official policy of a governing party, until 2004, when Tony Blair declared his intention to hold a popular vote on the Constitutional Treaty. This paper explores the reasons behind this change of policy, in both tactical and strategic perspectives. At the tactical level, party politics was the predominant driver, both in terms of inter-party competition and of Blair’s status within the Labour party. Strategically, the move was presented as an opportunity to recast the relationship with the EU and British popular attitudes towards it. It is argued that despite the shift in public debate about a referendum, so that pro-EU voices became much more important, the popular dimension was largely irrelevant in the decision. This reflects a key shortcoming not only of the debate in the UK on European integration, but also more generally on the failure of the Laeken process to address its central aim of reconnecting with the people.
The European Union is typically conceived of a second-order phenomenon in domestic politics; ‘European’ referenda, elections, etc are actually a function of domestic/national issues. However, in the case of anti-EU groups it is apparent that they are formed primarily as a direct result of European events. This paper provides a comprehensive taxonomy of proximate factors in such groups’ mobilisation, using the otherwise contrasting examples of France and the UK. Consideration is taken of non-party groups, intra-party factions and parties, in order to ensure a complete overview. In both countries, almost all groups either form or become anti-EU in nature in response to European events. The reasons for this are discussed and explained, as are the limitations of this view of the EU as first-order politics
There is a major lacuna in the conceptualisation of Euroscepticism, which is seen as either national phenomena or as a generic one. This dichotomous approach fails to capture the emergence of transnational Eurosceptic groups, which combine national elements with European sites of operation and action, or of pan-European activity at the EU level. This requires a conceptualisation of transnational Euroscepticism that transcends previous categorisations and recognises that the opportunity structures available within and around EU institutions and the nascent European public sphere produce novel forms of political and social action. In this chapter, a framework for understanding and exploring this new form of Euroscepticism is proposed, highlighting the relative importance of structural and conjunctural factors in creating spaces for oppositional behaviour to coalesce and develop.
In many ways, UKIP represents a classic case of mainstreaming of a peripheral party: its public profile extends far beyond that of any other equivalent in the post-war British polity and its pretensions to power look more credible than at any point in its history. However, this chapter will argue that such impressions need to be taken with much care. Firstly, the opportunity structure of British politics – first-past-the-post and still highly centralised – militates against the party’s likelihood of success beyond the media. Second, the evolving and expanding policy base of the party makes it ever-harder to accommodate the very disparate set of supporters that has been built up, especially because so much of it is negatively constructed. Third, the party suffers from a persistent lack of organisational development to match either its growing public support or its much-enlarged (but passive) membership: the personality of Nigel Farage is central in this and the capacity of UKIP to develop beyond him remains in doubt. Finally, there is a question of whether UKIP is a radical right party at all, given both the diversity of ideological positions among members and the composition of its policies. In summary, the chapter argues that UKIP’s transition to the mainstream remains a work in progress, with considerable scope for failure.
For many in the British anti-EU movement, Margaret Thatcher holds a status more akin to a divine figure than a former Prime Minister: similarly, for many outside observers, Thatcher is the personification of that movement, a querulous and negative figure, out of step with the tide of history. This chapter argues such views are both misguided and unhelpful. The process of abstraction of Thatcher's actions during the 1980s into an image of 'St. Margaret' or of 'Thatcher, the little-Englander' obscures the way that she chose to engage with the integration process. Two key points stand out here. Firstly, Thatcher's European policy was informed by a fundamental pragmatic approach, focused on the short-term and on problem-solving and thus poorly suited to the more idealist continental style. Secondly, the very process of lionisation highlights the limits to Thatcher's agency: if we are to understand the crystallisation of opposition to the EU in the 1990s, then we have to see Thatcher as only one part of the process.
This thesis investigates the psychological underpinnings of citizens’ political judgements in Turkey. Drawing upon political psychology studies, it focuses on the cognitive, affective and motivational components of political behaviour and investigates the role that ideological inclinations, value-orientations, emotions and sophistication play in shaping individual-based political decisions. By taking account of the electoral stronghold of the AK Party - whose roots are traced to its pro-Islamist agenda - in combination with the recent authoritarian turn in the country, the examination sheds light on the way citizens negotiate their political belonging and shape their positions in a non-traditional Western context. In doing so, the study uses both quantitative and qualitative data: the 2007 World Value Survey, a survey conducted in Ankara in 2009, and 25 semi-structured interviews with Turkish citizens. The findings highlight the importance of ideological divisions, value orientations and affective expressions of public opinion driving differential accounts of the socio-political reality, thus confirming the widely acknowledged high levels of polarization in Turkey. A key division emerges around ideological inclinations and values dividing citizens on the basis of their position towards the AK party. Also, the research suggests that more moderate segments of the population converge when it comes to the importance of individual freedoms and rights, the importance of democracy and the coexistence of traditions and modernization. Political sophistication conditions the function of ideology, values, and emotions at the individual level highlighting important differences in the belief systems of high sophisticates and novices.
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